James joyce, p.15
James Joyce, page 15
31. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 159.
32. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 48–49; Ellmann, James Joyce, 16.
33. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 76–79; Peter Costello, James Joyce: The Years of Growth, 1882–1915: A Biography (London: Kyle Cathie, 1992), 45–46.
34. In Stephen Hero Mr Wilkinson, the friend of Mr Daedalus, ‘very often brought this guest home after a day’s carousel and the two would sit in the kitchen for the rest of the night talking politics loudly’: Stephen often heard his father’s voice shouting or his fist banging the table as he turned the corner of the avenue (SH 161). This matches Stanislaus’s recollection of ‘those political rancours that formed the theme of my father’s nightly, half-drunken rantings to the accompaniment of vigorous table-thumpings’. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 65. These accounts relate to the John Stanislaus Joyce of the fall, and whether they attest to a settled passion for politics is open to doubt. The suggestion is rather that John Stanislaus, in decline and disappointment, began to indulge repeatedly in drunken political tirades which were at odds with his former character as it had been observed by his children and were a matter of embarrassment as well as distress to them. Though the traducing of Parnell’s enemies doubtless featured in the table-thumping, his offspring learned to distinguish Parnellism from alcoholically enhanced degeneration.
35. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 81.
36. Ellmann, James Joyce, 33. The idea of the interconnectedness of Parnell’s fall and the sharp descent in the fortunes of John Stanislaus Joyce was an attractive proposition that antedated Ellmann’s biography and is more or less rehearsed in Marvin Magalaner and Richard Kain, Joyce: The Man, the Work, the Reputation (New York: New York University Press, 1956), 32–37.
37. P 1.716–1151.
38. Ellmann, James Joyce, 69.
39. Mary Colum and Padraic Colum, Our Friend James Joyce (New York: Doubleday, 1958), 21.
40. FW 3.11–12.
41. Gorman, James Joyce, 9.
42. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 46–47. See also Stanislaus Joyce, Recollections of James Joyce (New York: James Joyce Society, 1950), 5–6.
43. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 49.
44. Freeman’s Journal, 7 April 1880.
45. It was reported that Stirling had obtained the support of the Presbyterian body and of the Temperance party. Daily Express, 26 March 1880.
46. Freeman’s Journal, 29 March 1880.
47. Freeman’s Journal, 31 March 1880.
48. Evening Telegraph, 29 March 1880. See also Freeman’s Journal, 29 March 1880.
49. Freeman’s Journal, 29 March 1880.
50. The Irishman, 3 April 1880.
51. Daily Express, 3 April 1880.
52. Nation, 3 April 1880.
53. Dublin Evening Mail, 31 March 1880.
54. Irish Times, 1 April 1880.
55. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 166–67.
56. Daily Express, 6 April 1880.
57. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 167.
58. Freeman’s Journal, 6 April 1880.
59. The Daily Express reported,
About half past 12 o’clock the small crowd which enjoyed the privilege of waiting around the door of the Alexandra Hall, which was most jealously guarded by five stalwart policemen, were informed by a gentleman who had just left the counting room, that the scrutiny was concluded, and that Brooks and Lyons were at the head of the poll, and Sir Arthur Guinness third.… The names of Mr. Brooks and Dr. Lyons were passed out to the crowd in front of the building, and the demonstrations were continued. Many were still incredulous as to the result, but when a few minutes later another gentleman passed out of the Alexandra Hall and confirmed the announcement … there was no longer any questioning its accuracy. Daily Express, 6 April 1880.
60. Daily Express, 6 April 1880.
61. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 167–68.
62. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 167.
63. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 162.
64. Freeman’s Journal, 1 April 1880.
65. Freeman’s Journal, 6 April 1880.
66. Dublin Evening Mail, 6 April 1880.
67. Irish Times, 5 April 1880.
68. Freeman’s Journal, 7 April 1880.
69. Jolas, ‘John Stanislaus Joyce’, 162.
70. Irish Times, 5 April 1880. At a Conservative meeting in the Royal Exchange Ward, Parnell’s brother-in-law lent his support to the party candidates: ‘Captain Dickinson said that he happened to be a relative of Mr. Parnell, and though he was a Home Ruler, he intended to vote for Mr. Stirling and Sir Arthur Guinness (applause)’. Evening Telegraph and Daily Express, 29 March 1880.
71. Michael McDonagh, The Home Rule Movement (Dublin: Talbot, 1920), 143.
72. Conor Cruise O’Brien, Parnell and His Party, 1880–90 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1957), 26.
73. The biographers of John Stanislaus Joyce refer to the AGM of the club on 4 January 1881, at which J. S. Joyce ceased to be its secretary; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 101. They suggest that it was eclipsed by the overtly confessional Catholic Commercial Club, which had premises on Sackville Street. It was not a direct displacement. Politically, the United Liberal Club, with the rise of Parnell, had had its brief day. The Catholic Commercial Club was not concerned with registration, but with a counter-Protestant commercial fideism; see the report of a lecture on ‘civilization’ by Fr Hayden, the first of a series, which was presided over by the Lord Mayor Charles Dawson and attended by Thomas Sexton, in the Freeman’s Journal, 11 December 1883.
74. Joyce to Harriet Shaw Weaver, 13 January 1925, Letters I 225.
75. FW 236.24–28.
76. FW 272.25–27.
77. John Garvin, James Joyce’s Disunited Kingdom (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1976), 38.
78. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 49. This is the slender reed on which the biographers of John Stanislaus Joyce rest their account of his pursuit of parliamentary ambitions.
79. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 184–85.
80. Peter Costello, James Joyce (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1980), 28–29.
81. SH 110.
82. Joyce to Giorgio and Helen Joyce, 28 December 1934, Letters I 355.
83. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 52; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 104.
84. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 104.
85. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 101–7; John Garvin, ‘James Joyce’s Municipal Background’, Administration 33, no. 4 (1985): 553. The office was destroyed in the course of the Civil War; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 383.
86. Ellmann, James Joyce, 21; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 106, 126.
87. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 49.
88. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 124. They assert that Parnell’s terse receipt of the cheque was ‘for John a living example of the almost regal detachment that he so admired in The Chief’ (John Stanislaus Joyce, 124). The banquet did not take place in Morrison’s Hotel, which could not have accommodated an event on that scale.
89. Freeman’s Journal, 11 December 1883.
90. United Ireland, 13 December 1883.
91. R. B. O’Brien, Charles Stewart Parnell, 2:28.
92. OCPW 194. See also Ellmann, James Joyce, 32, although one has to maintain some scepticism in relation to the ever-convenient testimony of Arthur Power. The misdating suggests that Joyce had confused the Parnell national tribute with the raising of subscriptions to defray the legal costs incurred in the Special Commission. That in turn supports the probability that Joyce wrote his essay on Parnell entirely from what he remembered of what he had read, rather than on a consultation of Barry O’Brien’s biography.
93. Freeman’s Journal, 12 December 1883.
94. Freeman’s Journal, 10 December 1883; United Ireland, 13 December 1883.
95. Daily Express, 12 December 1883. The same (Unionist) paper also reported, ‘The approaches to the building were blocked by a dense crowd so that it was with the utmost difficulty that ticket-holders were enabled to obtain admission to the building. Several ladies, who were lightly clad in the usual evening costume, was obliged to wait in the falling rain for a long period, and many were severely crushed before they gained access to the building’.
96. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 133–34.
97. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 129.
98. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 131–32. See also Garvin, Joyce’s Disunited Kingdom, 43–44.
99. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 150.
100. Costello, Years of Growth, 71; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 142–43, 154.
101. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 63. The full quotation is given later in this chapter.
102. The scene is introduced at FW 34–44. See Vincent Deane, ‘Sewing a Dream Together: “Work in Progress” 1923–4’, Dublin James Joyce Journal, nos. 14–15 (2021–22): 102–25.
103. Joyce to Frank Budgen, 9 September 1937, Letters I 396.
104. The Phoenix Park as an enclosed hunting ground emblematically steeped in Irish history is magisterially explored as a quasi-theme in Alison Lacivita, ‘Trouble in Paradise: Violence and the Phoenix Park in Finnegans Wake’, James Joyce Quarterly 51, no. 2–3 (Winter–Spring 2014): 317–31.
105. HCE’s account is accepted for the purposes of re-narration in the Wake on the basis that he is ‘guiltless of much laid to him’ (FW 34.33).
106. FW 35.7–10. Nathan Halper points out that while the Cad is speaking Irish, Earwicker’s clothes resemble those of the Royal Irish Constabulary; Sean Golden has assessed the panicked contradictions of Earwicker as he tries to profess Sinn Féin sympathies: Nathan Halper, ‘The Narrative Thread in the Cad Episode’, and Sean Golden, ‘Parsing Rhetorics: The Cad as Prolegomena to the Readings of Finnegans Wake’, in The Seventh of Joyce, ed. Bernard Benstock (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), 171–72, 173–77.
107. While Stanislaus would certainly not be alone in this, it is a point of some importance. In what he first committed to print, at the end of the year of his brother’s death, he wrote, ‘When Finnegans’ Wake [sic: the apostrophe’s migratory revenge] was published more than a year ago on the author’s fifty-eighth birthday, my brother wrote to me offering me a copy in homage. I refused it. It is useless for me to say how much regret that refusal costs me now, when that regret is useless’. S. Joyce, Recollections of James Joyce, 30. There is an emphasis in the language. If Stanislaus had not accepted his brother’s offer, it was not in his angular nature to buy and read the book. He did receive the preliminary instalment of what was to be Finnegans Wake published in the Transatlantic Review in April 1924. Writing to his brother in August 1924, he ignored the Finnegans Wake extract to complain about Ulysses. Ellmann, James Joyce 577–78. Virtually everything in My Brother’s Keeper relates to Joyce before exile. This plainly reflects an editorial choice on his part, though Ellmann wrote that ‘the finished section’ was ‘somewhat over half the book he intended to write’. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 24.
108. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 63.
109. P 1.716–1151.
110. Freeman’s Journal, 4 December 1890; Lyons, Fall of Parnell, 139.
111. P 1.1150–51.
112. Gorman, James Joyce, 36, 35.
113. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 171.
114. Ellmann, James Joyce, 33. I am not aware of any other meeting in the Leinster Hall at which Healy spoke in 1890–91 after the divorce crisis.
115. Ellmann, James Joyce, 33.
116. Callanan, Parnell Split, 10.
117. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 160.
118. Richard M. Kain, Dublin in the Age of William Butler Yeats and James Joyce (Newton Abbot, UK: David and Charles, 1972), 115.
119. Ellmann, James Joyce, 749n47.
120. Ellmann, James Joyce (1959 ed.), 32, 761n47. Sheridan had visited John Stanislaus Joyce, but it appears that he was relying on his conversations with Joyce fils. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 411.
121. Frank Callanan, T. M. Healy (Cork: Cork University Press, 1996), 155–61.
122. Callanan, T. M. Healy, 195–98.
123. There is perhaps a parallel in the quasi-fictive manner by which Joyce promoted the career of the Irish opera singer John Sullivan; Ellmann, James Joyce, 620–27. Singers attracted a particular imaginative indulgence on Joyce’s part. John Stanislaus Joyce was not disentitled to the dispensations from exigent factuality that Joyce readily accorded to those who could sing in performance.
124. OCPW 196.
125. Ellmann, James Joyce (1959 ed.), 24. This passage survived unchanged in the second edition: Ellmann, James Joyce, 25.
126. C. P. Curran, Joyce notebook, UCD Special Collections, Constantine Curran Collection, CUR MS 6.
127. Callanan, Parnell Split, 124.
128. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 70.
129. Ellmann, James Joyce, 33.
130. See Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 171.
131. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 70. Stanislaus was under the impression that the election was during the currency of the Split in Parnell’s lifetime.
132. Vivien Igoe, James Joyce’s Dublin Houses and Nora Barnacle’s Galway (Dublin: Wolfhound, 1997), 37–38.
133. Magalaner and Kain, Joyce, 32, 35, 37.
134. Ellmann, James Joyce, 33.
135. Kearney, ‘Joycead’, 65. He adds, ‘It was probably at this juncture, c. 1891, that the family myth assumed its final form, which I have called The Joycead, and which for John Joyce, provided an acceptably coherent account of the Joyce family’.
136. SH 110.
137. SH 110.
138. SH 110.
139. A fleeting and cryptic reference in Stephen Hero, if intended to relate to Joyce’s relationship to his father, coming after that just quoted in the text, suggests that this had chiefly to do with John Stanislaus Joyce’s realisation that his son could not condone his treatment of his wife: ‘His son’s silence during the domestic battles no longer seemed to him a conveyed compliment’ (SH 111).
140. Ellmann, James Joyce, 37–38.
141. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 172–73. As the authors point out, John Stanislaus Joyce was never at any time adjudicated a bankrupt, as has occasionally been suggested. (At the time of researching this book, it was not possible to access in the National Archives most of the records consulted by the biographers of John Stanislaus Joyce, and I am in consequence reliant on what they write.)
142. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 172, 176–78.
143. Bruce Bradley, James Joyce’s Schooldays (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1982), 75–76.
144. Ellmann, James Joyce, 35; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 176–77. Bruce Bradley refers to the possibility of Conmee’s relationship to or friendship with the Joyce family, but the length of the interval between Joyce’s leaving Clongowes and entering Belvedere makes that open to question; Bradley, James Joyce’s Schooldays, 84–87.
145. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 184.
146. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 182.
147. W. R. Rodgers, Irish Literary Portraits (London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1972), 35. Eva was unfailingly polite and benign, and perhaps a little naïve, but her impression of her mother’s relationship to Joyce remains striking. According to Rodgers, ‘He undoubtedly was her favourite. She absolutely lived for him, and when he went away it seemed to be the breaking up of her life. She didn’t seem to last long after he went, in fact she seemed to fade out altogether’ (Irish Literary Portraits, 36).
148. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 190–93.
149. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 80; Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 249, 285, 290–91.
150. Curran, Joyce notebook, 124. Patrick Meehan was his informant.
151. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 286–92.
152. Daily Express, 15 January 1907; Freeman’s Journal, 15 January 1907; Irish Times, 15 January 1907. John Stanislaus Joyce’s self-marginalisation was accentuated by the fact that, on the day of the hearing, polling was taking place in thirteen of the twenty municipal wards of Dublin. The biographers of John Stanislaus Joyce incorrectly and without providing a reference assert that the hearing took place ‘in the first week of January 1907’. Jackson and Costello, John Stanislaus Joyce, 292.
