James joyce, p.45
James Joyce, page 45
94. Oliver St John Gogarty, Tumbling in the Hay (1939; Dublin: O’Brien, 1996), 92.
95. Nationist, 21 September 1905. It justified its title as ‘a necessary coinage’: ‘ “Nationalist” was inadequate; it has been narrowed and cheapened down almost to blank nothing’. The paper had a short life in the course of which Kettle and Skeffington lost control of it. Of a controversy with Michael Davitt which arose in February 1906, Sheehy-Skeffington wrote that the weekly was ‘then expiring in the hands of “Irish Ireland” fantasts’ (Michael Davitt, 245). Its last issue appeared on 5 April 1906.
96. ‘Home Rule, or Else—!’, Nationist, 26 October 1905.
97. Kettle, ‘Would the “Hungarian Policy” Work?’, 321.
98. Sinn Féin, 9 November 1907; Patrick Maume, The Long Gestation: Irish Nationalist Life, 1891–1918 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1999), 89.
99. ‘Home Rule Finance’, Sinn Féin, 1 April 1911.
100. T. M. Kettle, ‘A Note on Sinn Féin in Ireland’, North American Review 187, no. 626 (January 1908): 49. As his relations with Griffith deteriorated, Kettle advanced a not especially convincing argument that because of respect for ‘the extremist ideal’ among other reasons, ‘there existed a relationship of friendliness and tolerance between Mr. Griffith’s group and us until the General Election of 1900. Then there was a misunderstanding. It grew less and less bridgeable; and in a little while Mr. Griffith found himself committed to bitter hostility to the Parliamentary Party’. Kettle, ‘Note on Sinn Féin’, 49.
101. Leader, 18 June 1910.
102. Kettle, ‘Note on Sinn Féin’, 47, 51–52, 55–57. This was written in reply to Seumas MacManus, ‘Sinn Féin: Its Genesis and Purpose’, North American Review, 16 August 1907. Even in this, a piece of straightforward political advocacy, Kettle’s perceptiveness breaks through: ‘Mr. MacManus and his friends are much too fond of the catastrophic and sensational type of change. What reality presents in Ireland, as in most countries, is a continual, slight dissolution, and re-integration.’ Kettle, ‘Note on Sinn Féin’, 57.
103. T. M. Kettle and Mary Kettle, The Ways of War, with a Memoir by Mary Kettle (London: Constable, 1917), 52.
104. T. M. Kettle, ‘Parnell’, in Poems and Parodies (Dublin: Talbot, 1916), 55–57.
105. Kettle and Kettle, Ways of War, 52.
106. Kettle, ‘Asquith in Dublin (August 1912)’, in Poems and Parodies, 67–68.
107. Tynan, Memories, 20.
108. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 80.
109. Curran, Under the Receding Wave, 148.
110. E 165.
111. Joyce to Stanislaus Joyce, 8 January 1927, Letters III 149. Ellmann, in his editorial capacity, suggests these books were The Day’s Burden and Home Rule Finance (Letters III 149n6).
112. Joyce to Stanislaus Joyce, 10 August, 21 August 1909, Letters II 234, 238.
113. Joyce to Nora Barnacle, 5 September 1909; Joyce to Stanislaus Joyce, 9 September 1909, Letters II 247, 252.
114. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 80.
115. P. Colum, ‘Tom Kettle’, 31.
116. M. Colum and P. Colum, Our Friend James Joyce, 43.
117. Joyce to Mary Kettle, 25 September 1916, Letters I 96. Joyce did have Kettle’s posthumous The Ways of War, a collection of his war writings and journalism, published in 1917, in his Trieste library. Gillespie, James Joyce’s Trieste Library, 136, no. 260.
118. Gorman, James Joyce, 63–64.
119. Kettle and Kettle, Ways of War, 49–50.
120. Clery, ‘Thomas Kettle’ (1916), 507, reprinted in Clery, Dublin Essays, 5.
121. This limerick, and another on Æ (George Russell), are given by Curran in James Joyce Remembered (76n1) and ascribed to Gogarty. They are erroneously ascribed to Joyce and included in PSW (110, 263). The lines are in any case more ingratiatingly like Gogarty than Joyce. Curran discusses the influence of G.W.F. Hegel on Kettle in Under the Receding Wave, 145.
122. T. M. Kettle, ‘Religion and Politics in Ireland’, Independent Review 11 (October–November 1906): 155–64.
123. One could venture an explanation based on his Parnellism being an emanation of his father’s, but that prompts the reflection that Kettle was lacking in the political tough-mindedness and the exceptional capacity for originality in action of Andrew Kettle.
124. T. M. Kettle, The Open Secret of Ireland (London: W. J. Ham-Smith, 1912).
125. Francis Sheehy-Skeffington, review of The Open Secret of Ireland, Irish Review 2 (March 1912): 55; Levenson, With Wooden Sword, 123.
126. Freeman’s Journal, 15 November 1898.
127. Curran, Under the Receding Wave, 142–43.
128. Meenan, Centenary History, 54.
129. Curran, Under the Receding Wave, 104.
130. ‘Mr Yeats and the Freedom of the Theatre’, United Irishman, 15 November 1902.
131. Freeman’s Journal, 1 June 1907, reprinted in Robert H. Deming, Critical Heritage: James Joyce (London: Routledge, 1970), 1:37.
132. T. M. Kettle, The Day’s Burden (1910; repr., Dublin: Browne and Nolan, 1937), xi–xii.
133. T. A. Fitzgerald, ‘Is It Not Enough to Be Anglicised without Becoming European?’, Catholic Bulletin 1 (1911): 84–85. The article is not as bad as the title might suggest.
134. Clery, ‘Thomas Kettle’ (1916), 505–6, reprinted in Clery, Dublin Essays, 3–4.
135. Padraic Colum wrote, ‘On one thing, but with a difference, Kettle and Joyce agreed: the necessity of getting Ireland back into Europe. Having lived in Paris, Joyce was not encouraging. “When you say you are Irlandais they think they have misunderstood you, that what you said was Hollandais’.” M. Colum and P. Colum, Our Friend James Joyce, 44; see U 3.220–21.
136. Freeman’s Journal, 9 September 1913. Margaret O’Callaghan’s assessment of Kettle’s Europeanism serves as a measure of the chasm that separated Kettle from Joyce: ‘His Europeanism was essentially bound up with his Catholicism. European civilization was for him, I think, essentially Catholic—and much of his Catholicism runs in tandem with that of Belloc and Chesterton’ (‘Forgetting to Remember’, 20).
137. E 43.
138. A ‘new Ireland’ had been on the go for quite some time (and still is). A. M. Sullivan, a barrister and parliamentarian of scrupled conservative nationalist orientation, had published his well-known New Ireland, half memoir, half narrative of Ireland since the Famine, in 1877, and it had come itself to seem part of a distant era. In shifting ‘new’ from ‘Europe’ to ‘Ireland’ (Kettle’s aphorism ran, ‘If this generation has, for its first task, the recovery of the old Ireland, it has, for its second, the discovery of the new Europe’), Joyce widens the gap between Kettle’s thinking and his own, and half-ruins the Kettle epigram.
139. On Kettle’s pride in his Norse ancestry, see, for example, Gogarty, It Isn’t That Time, 20.
140. E 107.
141. E 99.
142. Freeman’s Journal, 1 June 1907; Ellmann, James Joyce, 261.
143. E 99.
144. E 99.
145. E 114, 123.
146. E 155. His departure is prompted by a casual act of sexual indiscretion with ‘the divorced wife of a barrister’ whom he met in a nightclub: this at least is certainly not like Kettle. Earlier, seeking to seduce Bertha, he has mentioned the nightclub as part of ‘a long wandering night’ in which ‘your image was always before my eyes’ and stated that he is going ‘to foreign parts. That is, to my cousin Jack Justice, alias Doggy, in Surrey. He has a nice country place there and the air is mild’ (E 150). The semi-droll reference to England as ‘foreign parts’ underscores the limited confines of Robert’s proposed excursion to the south of England.
147. Peter Costello points out that Dante Conway had a sister whose married name was Maria Elizabeth Justice of Mount Justice, Millstreet, County Cork, and surmises, speculatively and erroneously in this reading, that this was the inspiration for the surname of Beatrice Justice, ‘which suggests some complicated family connection dating back to his father’s early years, which carried for Joyce or his father some intense emotional burden’ (Years of Growth, 62). The surname Justice matches the scrupled Protestant temperament of Beatrice. It seems clear that the assigning of the surname derives from Wilde’s play and comes first; but it is quite possible that the surname of Maria Elizabeth Justice, unusual in Ireland, opened Joyce’s mind to the possibility of its use as a surname. The idea of the compressed association within a single surname of the Protestant scruple of his invented character and a sister of the actual Dante Conway, distantly redolent of the alliance of the nonconformist conscience and Catholic moralism in the Split, would have appealed to Joyce in assigning to Beatrice the Wilde-derived surname of Justice.
148. Kettle, Day’s Burden, 101. Auguste Brizeux (1893–1958) was a poet reputedly of Irish origin who wrote in French and Breton and wrote a verse comedy, Racine, early in his career.
149. E 114.
150. Ellmann, James Joyce, 356.
151. The mise-en-scène of Exiles itself suggests something of Joyce’s relations with Kettle. Two of the three acts are set in Richard Rowan’s house ‘at Merrion, a suburb of Dublin’. Merrion is continuous with Sandymount. Richard in the third act comes in from walking on the strand in the early morning. After Kettle graduated, he lived for a time at Tritonville Cottage, Cranford Place, Sandymount. Colum recalls an afternoon spent with Kettle, Joyce, and Gogarty on the strand at Sandymount near where Kettle then lived. M. Colum and P. Colum, Our Friend James Joyce, 43; P. Colum, ‘Tom Kettle’, 31–32; J. B. Lyons, Enigma of Tom Kettle, 52.
152. See U 2.49–51.
153. FW 122.7–8.
154. FW 219.12.
155. One wonders if a distant echo of the ‘Ad Maiorem Dei Gloriam’ with which generations of Jesuit boys were trained to commence their compositions is audible.
156. FW 219.6.
157. P 163.
158. Norris, Joyce’s Web, 191–92; S. Joyce, entry for 29 March 1904, in Dublin Diary, 24–25. The family had just migrated south to 60 Shelbourne Road from St Peter’s Terrace, Phibsborough.
159. P. Colum, ‘Tom Kettle’, 29.
160. Callanan, Parnell Split, 130–31.
161. P. Colum, ‘Tom Kettle’, 35.
162. Sheehy, May It Please the Court, 14–15.
163. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 175.
164. J. F. Byrne, Silent Years: An Autobiography with Memoirs of James Joyce and Our Ireland (New York: Farrar, Straus and Young, 1953), 154.
165. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 175.
166. Maire Clancy et al., ‘The Limerick City Curfew Murder of March 7th 1921’, in Limerick’s Fighting Story, 1916–21, Told by the Men Who Made It (Tralee: Kerryman, n.d. [ca. 1948]), 115–39; William Murphy, ‘George Clancy’, DIB 2:518–90; Pauric J. Dempsey, ‘Patrick Clancy’, DIB 2:523.
167. Limerick Leader, 7 March 1921.
168. P 180.
169. Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 184, 188, 225. For Edmund Hogan, see Eoghan O’Raghallaigh, ‘Edmund Ignatius Hogan’, DIB 4:738.
170. Clancy et al., ‘Limerick City Curfew Murder’, 118–19; Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 477–78.
171. Robert Scholes and Richard M. Kain, eds., The Workshop of Daedalus: James Joyce and the Raw Materials for ‘A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man’ (Evanstown, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1965), 93; see P 5.237–38.
172. Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 477.
173. P 5.278–82.
174. Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 477.
175. Clancy et al., ‘Limerick City Curfew Murder’, 116; Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 478–79. ‘He refused to admit to his club, called “The Geraldines”, anyone who was not a beginner, so that the first year was disastrous as to matches’. Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 479.
176. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 175.
177. Joyce to Giorgio and Helen Joyce, 5 February 1935, Letters I 357.
178. Byrne, Silent Years, 54.
179. P 5.227–29.
180. P 5.234–42.
181. This is the title of the chapter of Limerick’s Fighting Story dealing with Clancy’s murder.
182. P 5.261–64.
183. P 5.265–326.
184. Byrne, Silent Years, 54–55.
185. Epstein, Ordeal of Stephen Dedalus, 106, 109–10. I do not agree with Epstein’s projection of Stephen’s contest with Davin into the pages of Ulysses.
186. P 5.1939–40.
187. The account of Clancy’s life that follows is based, save where otherwise indicated, on that given by Maire Clancy in ‘Limerick City Curfew Murder’, 115–25.
188. Clancy, ‘Limerick City Curfew Murder’, 116.
189. Freeman’s Journal, 24 September 1906; Limerick Leader, 24, 26 September 1906.
190. Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 506.
191. Clancy, ‘Limerick City Curfew Murder’, 120.
192. Limerick Leader, 7 March 1921.
193. Irish Independent, 8, 9 March 1921.
194. Irish Independent, 8, 9 March 1921; Clancy, ‘Limerick City Curfew Murder’, 123–24.
195. MacArdle, Irish Republic, 333–34, 430–32.
196. Jim Kemmy, ‘George Clancy—Murdered Mayor’, in Remembering Limerick: Historical Essays Celebrating the 800th Anniversary of Limerick’s First Charter Granted in 1197, ed. David Lee (Limerick: Limerick Civil Trust, 1997), 251–60.
197. ‘The Trieste Notebook’, in Scholes and Kain, Workshop of Daedalus, 93.
198. Joyce to Giorgio and Helen Joyce, 5 February 1935, Letters I 357.
199. Byrne, Silent Years, 1, 21; Lawrence William White and Lindsey Earner-Byrne, ‘John Francis Byrne’, DIB 2:215–16.
200. Byrne, Silent Years, 16, 93.
201. Byrne, Silent Years, 27, 40.
202. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 176–77; S. Joyce, entry for 14 September 1904, in Dublin Diary, 96; Sheehy, May It Please the Court, 16–17.
203. St Stephen’s, March 1902, 101; S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 177.
204. Quoted in U. O’Connor, Joyce We Knew, 52.
205. Byrne, Silent Years, 43–44; St Stephen’s, March 1902, 101.
206. Byrne, Silent Years, 43–47.
207. Stanislaus Joyce to Curran, 1 January 1954, UCD, Curran Papers, Correspondence.
208. Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Page of Irish History, 398.
209. ‘Pola Notebook’, in Gorman, James Joyce, 137. See also S. Joyce, entry for 31 July 1904, in Dublin Diary, 48.
210. P 5.150–55.
211. S. Joyce, entry for 14 September 1904, in Dublin Diary, 96; entry for 3 April 1904, 32.
212. U 9.36; Richard Ellmann, ‘The Backgrounds of Ulysses’, Kenyon Review 16, no. 3 (Summer 1954): 361.
213. Byrne, Silent Years, 170–71.
214. Byrne, Silent Years, 49, 195.
215. S. Joyce, My Brother’s Keeper, 177.
216. Byrne, Silent Years, 40–44, 53.
217. U 10.1042–44.
218. U 10.1050–53.
219. Byrne, Silent Years, 88, 94, 154–59.
220. Byrne, Silent Years, 92, 98.
221. Byrne, Silent Years, 95–101.
222. Byrne, Silent Years, 111–12, 127, 135. Byrne’s account drew extensively on his ‘The Irish Grievance: The Case for the Anti-English Party’, Century Illustrated Monthly, n.s., 71 (January 1917): 465–73.
223. Stanislaus Joyce to Curran, 1 January 1954, UCD, Curran Papers, Correspondence.
224. Byrne to Ellmann, 26 May 1958, cited in Brenda Maddox, Nora: A Biography of Nora Joyce (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988), 520.
8
‘The Language of the Outlaw’
For the new nationalist movement, the Gaelic League, [Joyce] had no regard. ‘I distrust all enthusiasms’, he said.… It was not with any youthful bravado. It was rather like one giving a single veto after a tiring argument.
—PADRAIC COLUM1
THE FACT THAT JOYCE’S generation in University College was the first to be swept by the wave of the revivalism of the Irish language finds ubiquitous expression in Stephen Hero and features prominently in A Portrait. Revivalism was brought to the fore primarily by the highly effective activism and propaganda of the Gaelic League. It answered a felt need which the League itself did much to engender, to address what came to be felt as a deficit in traditional nationalism. The widespread sympathy with the Gaelic League fell short of impelling most nationalists to learn or speak Irish. The disparity between sympathy with the revivalist project of the Gaelic League and the practice of its precepts is crucial. It conduced to a pervasive intellectual confusion and prompted accusations of humbug from the critics of the Gaelic League. The language question was a fraught and complex issue of uncertain political magnitude that was devoid of precedent, national or international. The impact of the Gaelic League in a university setting was more potently concentrated than in the country at large. Joyce’s generation in University College had to find its own way.
